Book Review:  HENRY  KISSINGER:   ON  CHINA
First published in 2011 by The Penguin Press, a member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

DOES HENRY REALLY UNDERSTAND CHINESE?

In a few days, it will be June 4 and the 24th Anniversary of Tienanmen.  In a week, the new Chinese President Xi Jinping will meet with President Barack Obama for
the first time in California to discuss security issues.  
This is also the year of the 90th birthday of Henry Alfred Kissinger.    It is a propitious time to review the Nobel
Peace Prize Laureate's latest book,  "ON CHINA."   Dr. Henry Kissinger is a teacher, as well as, a practitioner extraordinaire of Realpolitik - in the footsteps of
Machiavelli, Richelieu, Bismark, and his contemporary, President Richard M. Nixon.   

In his book, Dr. Kissinger turns his attention from Europe and gazes further eastward towards China. Given global realities, he could have focused directly on China by
going westward, since he writes from the American national interest.   The United States of America entered the world stage in the name of democracy by exerting
power across the Atlantic Ocean but presently, prominence must also be exerted across the Pacific.  This geopolitical reality is almost unique to the United States and
may be readily inferred from the book.

It is through his analysis of the balance of power in Europe that Dr.  Kissinger made his mark as a scholar, but he is indebted to China for his renown as a statesman.  
But does Henry really understand Chinese?  Let us explore this further.

Dr.  Kissinger opens his book by calling China a "Singularity," noting that China is the only ancient civilization that does not have a founding myth, a story of how a
people began.   Reading the first few pages, one is beguiled into thinking that Dr. Kissinger's interest in writing about China is sublimely philosophical, even
theological.   This is furthest from the truth because it quickly becomes obvious that his interest firmly lies in the practical aspects of a cooperative Sino-American
relationship, notwithstanding the deep cultural and ideological divides that bedevil the liaison.

Quickly, Kissinger launches into an analysis of the ancient Chinese game of
wei qi (better known in the West as "go") and the perceptive reader can grasp that he also
has on his mind the American game of "containment" (à la George Kennan).   On matters of Chinese antiquity, Kissinger has the audacity to place Sun Tzu on an equal
plane with Confucius, this being sure to raise some Chinese eyebrows.   I count him as quoting Sun Tzu on War more often than Confucius on Ethics (whom he
merely mentions), perhaps revealing that Kissinger knows that Sino-American relations have been strained by war, such as the Vietnam and Korean Wars (where US
troops engaged Chinese).   

This takes us to the purpose of Dr. Kissinger's book - how to continue mutually beneficial and peaceful relations between two superpowers.  Dr. Kissinger waxes
nostalgic about Triangular Diplomacy (USA-USSR-China) and his pivotal but then secret role in setting up the Nixon-Mao meeting in China in 1972 and the Shanghai
Communiqué.  He shares, somewhat but not quite all pedagogically, key details of his various intimate conversations with Chinese leaders such as Chairman Mao,
Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaopeng (dubbed "The Indestructible Deng"), Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao. These colorful dialogues which transpired over many decades, span  
humorously earthy quips (e.g. "touching the tiger's buttocks"), fearsome saber-rattling, and other calculated tantrums (e.g. Mao's diatribes on his lack of fear of atomic
weapons when China still was without the Bomb) - all of which promise to be a good hearty read.   Kissinger in his polished fashion is gentle, even generous in
describing friend and foe, domestic or foreign; when necessary he resorts to adjectives such as "prolix" and "mordant."

None can write a book on modern China without coming to grips with the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre.  Dr. Kissinger's account has drawn criticism from many
quarters,   The penchant of the former National Security Advisor and Secretary of State for secrecy is legendary.  His perceived disdain for imposing democracy and
the knee-jerk advancement of human rights (such as the little triangle between China-Vietnam-Khmer Rouge) have also earned him many critics.  

The New York Times has noted that "the severest test of the quasi alliance, of course, was the brutal suppression of democratic strivings in Tiananmen Square in
1989," and "that violent crackdown also tested Kissinger’s tolerance for the assertion of American values in foreign relations."  In his defense, it must be said that
Kissinger, at all times, gives priority to the perpetuation of cooperation between China and the USA.  His highest values, perhaps as a result of infantry combat
experience during the Allied advance on Berlin and subsequent civilian work for nuclear arms control during the Cold War, are found ultimately in the effort to avoid
tensions that may precipitate war.   

Kissinger must be somberly read in all the chapters for anyone to come to any conclusion on this complex balancing of values, but perhaps this quote from the book
can get the inquiry started:  “The best outcome in the American debate would be to combine the two approaches: for the idealists to recognize that principles need to be
implemented over time and hence must be occasionally adjusted to circumstance; and for the ‘realists’ to accept that values have their own reality and must be built
into operational policies.”

Dr. Kissinger closes his tome with that well worn Question, "Does History Repeat Itself?"  Well versed in the peace protocols attempted at Westphalia onwards to
Yalta (-Potsdam), he seeks to extend the lessons of 20th century Europe, including a presentation of the Eyre Crowe Memorandum on pre-World War I Germany to
interactions with China in the 21st.  China now as the newest superpower will more and more bring her understanding of "Bringing Peace Under Heaven" (平天下 -
ping tian xia) to bear on affairs of the world.   So, we come full circle to that first question - does Henry really understand Chinese?  

This question has fascinated me for a while.  Even after reading "On China" a few times over, it is not very apparent or clear that Henry does understand Chinese.  All
the salient conversations he recounts in the book were conducted through English-Chinese interpreters.  He never incorporated Chinese script in his book.  In the
Preface, he acknowledged that the lawyer Schuyler Schouten assisted with translations of Chinese documents.  Nonetheless, it will not surprise me that over the years
Dr. Kissinger indeed has mastered a working command of a difficult language, but in the best traditions of the land of Crouching Tigers and Hidden Dragons, he has,
perhaps out of  modesty, or more likely, pragmatism, never professed his competence.
1


1
Unlike President Jiang Zemin, who according to Kissinger, "with non-Chinese visitors, ...
regularly incorporated English or Russian or even Romanian expressions into his presentations
to emphasize a point  - shifting without warning between a rich sense of Chinese classical
idioms and such American colloquialisms as 'it takes two to tango.'"
Reviewed by Charleston C. K. Wang, 6/2/2013
Charleston C K Wang, Esq.
Nazly Mamedova, Esq.
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                     OUR CONSTITUTION: IMMIGRATION IS A NATIONAL PRIORITY
                                                                                   An Opinion by Charleston C. K Wang 7/4/2012

The United States Supreme Court in Arizona v. United States has once again held that under our Constitution, immigration is a national priority. The federal
power to determine immigration policy is well settled now, and has been for over a hundred years before. The reasons are unassailable - the Court noted that
immigration policy can affect trade, investment, tourism, and diplomatic relations for the entire Nation, as well as the perceptions and expectations of aliens in
this country who seek the full protection of its laws. Art. I, §8, cl. 4 of the United States Constitution in providing Congress the power to “establish an uniform
Rule of Naturalization,” says as much.

Yet the Governor of Arizona rushed to claim victory in this landmark court battle. The reason is that the high court gave Arizona a little breathing room in
holding that a state may empower its officers who conduct a stop, detention, or arrest to make efforts, in some circumstances, to verify the person’s
immigration status with the Federal Government. That is all and for now because litigation on the full merits of the Arizona law will continue in the lower courts.

Legislators in other states of the union, including Ohio , have already seized upon this to clamor for new and draconian state laws against unwanted
immigrants by "attrition through enforcement." Such enthusiasm runs afoul of our Constitution. The Nation's highest court has held that (1) Arizona may not
further criminalize undocumented presence of aliens, (2) bar them from working, and (3) make warrantless arrests of persons believed to be deportable.  The
reason is that Federal law already exists in all these respects and preempts any state initiative on the same subject. Federal preemption is nothing new and
exists in other spheres such as interstate commerce, labor relations, and national security.

Finally, the 5-3 decision joined by the Chief Justice, is firmly grounded in our Constitution. In its decision, the majority of the Court allowed Arizona an one-
quarter consolation award and it will be prudent for state legislators to value it as such and to not overdraw on it. On the other hand, immigration remains our
national priority. The conclusion of majority opinion by Justice Kennedy says it all:

"Immigration policy shapes the destiny of this Nation. ... The history of the United States is in part made of the stories, talents, and lasting contributions of those
who crossed oceans and deserts to come here. The National Government has significant power to regulate immigration. With power comes responsibility, and
the sound exercise of national power over immigration depends on the Nation’s meeting its responsibility to base its laws on a political will informed by
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CINCINNATI ENQUIRER, June 18, 1989 Sunday Forum
MS. TING CHEN WINS
SHIRLEY & CHARLESTON WANG
SCHOLARSHIP AWARD AT
SYCAMORE HIGH SCHOOL,
MAY 25, 2013

The Shirley &  Charleston Wang Award is
given annually at Seniors Award Night of
the Sycamore High School to the
outstanding Sycamore senior who studied
English as a Second Language.  The 2013
Winner of this Award is Ms. Ting Chen.  
Ms. Chen came to the USA two years ago
from China and succeeded academically
through hard work.   She also found time
to tutor other students, and volunteered at
Matthew 25 and at a local Senior Center.  

Congratulations, Ms. Ting Chen!

To all who are graduating,
this above all:

To thine own self be true,
And it must follow, as the night the day,
Thou canst not then be false to any man.
Farewell, my blessing season this in thee!

Hamlet Act 1, scene 3, 78–82
William Shakespeare
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